David Mandler, Ph.D.

Thoughts, feelings, reactions to events in the world. Hungarian, Jewish, assimilationist, Orthodox, American issues.

A Step Beyond the Boycott: Opening up Hearts and Wallets

On a warm day in the early 1980s in Budapest, while clandestinely taking a quick break from the morning prayer service, my friends and I made a shocking discovery in the courtyard of the Dohány Street Synagogue. I will never forget the moment when an elderly man who walked to the courtyard from the synagogue shortly after we did told us with a sombre face that what lay below the thick, snake-like coils of the ivy leaves on which we had been playing a game of tag were thousands of skeletons. I remember how stunned I felt by his chilling words that he had seen hundreds bodies laid out in this very courtyard in 1945. I was incredulous. Perhaps he only wanted to frighten us away the courtyard. After all, nobody had ever told me before that time that the synagogue’s courtyard was also a graveyard. And certainly, nobody talked to me or any of my friends about how the bodies got there. But then the small stone memorial plaques with individual names and the year 1945 inscribed hidden by the ivy leaves lined up against the framework of the gravesite made me realize that the man was telling the truth. It sickened me.

I was no more than ten years old then.

The horror of it all only intensified as I grew older and learned that the thousands of people buried in the courtyard of the synagogue died of starvation, the winter’s cold, and the murderous bullets of the Hungarian Arrow Cross men on the hunt for Jews in the Jewish ghetto within the last two months of the war leading up to January 18, 1945, the day the ghetto was liberated. Because most bodies could not be transported to any Jewish cemetery, the decision was made to bury the Jewish victims right there in the courtyard of the synagogue.

Now, this unique cemetery wedged between the largest synagogue in Europe, the Dohány Street Synagogue and the Heroes Temple synagogue is in such a bad state that the courtyard has been closed to visitors indefinitely. A major overhaul and restoration project with the price tag in excess of 20,000,000 Hungarian Forints (approximately $89,000) had been planned to take place with the help of a grant provided for this purpose by the Hungarian government. According to the rabbi of the Dohány Street Synagogue, Robert Frolich, the foundation intends to renovate the frames around the graves, replace those memorial plaques that have been ravaged by the passage of time with brand new ones, upgrade the graveyard’s vegetation, replace the gravel on the pathways, and install two interactive monitors with the map of the cemetery and a searchable database with the names and burial locations for each person in the graveyard.

But this sorely needed restoration project has now been jeopardized by the courageous and exemplary stance of the Dohány Street Synagogue Foundation to stand up to the Hungarian government’s ideological cuddling with the era named after Hungary’s leader between 1920 and 1944, Miklós Horthy, mainly remembered for Hungarian chauvinism buttressed by increasing anti-Jewish measures. Many, including the foremost historian of the Holocaust in Hungary, Randolph Braham of New York’s City University, have voiced their concerns that Hungary’s government, while talking the talk of contrition abroad, is in the process of whitewashing Hungarian responsibility for the wholesale murder of Hungarian Jewry in the Holocaust. In light of that, the Dohány Street Synagogue Foundation, along with other Jewish foundations, has refused to accept the 20,000,000 Forints awarded for this project by a Hungarian government that has for the past few years has created an atmosphere in which anti-Semitic public discourse is nothing unusual and has recently angered most Hungarian Jews by pushing plans for projects about the Holocaust without meaningful input by Jewish organizations.  

Since February 9th, 2014, when the largest Hungarian Jewish umbrella organization, Mazsihisz, declared that it would not be able to participate in any official government sponsored Holocaust commemorations in 2014 until the government reversed itself on two damaging projects and fired the head of the new Veritas Institute for labeling the very first deportations from Hungary in 1941 as an “immigration procedure,” the situation has only gotten worse. Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s response was to offer no response until after the Hungarian general elections on April 6th. Holocaust commemorations, however, are scheduled to take place shortly thereafter in April, leaving no time for any meaningful discussions.

The boycott, thus, is here to stay.

In order to show resistance to a culture of intolerance in Hungary supported by the actions of the current Hungarian government, I urge all people of goodwill to make a concrete gesture by opening up not only their hearts but also their wallets in order to make sure that this extremely important project can go forward. Help the Dohány Street Foundation make sure that no ten-year-olds will ever play tag on the ivy-covered graves of the Dohány Street Synagogue’s cemetery simply because they are unaware of what lies below and, equally importantly, how the bodies ended up there.

Please join the resistance against the forces of anti-Semitism and xenophobia by making a donation in memory of all those murdered in the Holocaust. The Dohány Street Foundation’s bank account information is IBAN: HU71 1170 7024 2035 9234 0000 0000 Swift code: OTPVHUHB.

The memory of those who died in such brutal circumstances and were buried in mass deserves no less.

You may email rabbi@dohany-zsinagoga.hu for more information and/or send him a message of support.

Follow me on twitter: Dr. David Mandler @MandlerDr

Why Everyone Should Boycott Official 2014 Holocaust Commemorations in Hungary

Imagine the White House chief of staff stating the following at a press conference after a significant meeting about a highly controversial issue with the leading representatives of American Jewry: “the President will address all of our fellow Americans as well as our Jewish citizens next week.” It does not take a lot of imagination to envision the firestorm of criticism that would follow such a division of the American people into real Americans vs. Jewish citizens of America.

Yet, this is precisely what János Lázár, the Minister of State for the Prime Minister’s Office, said after the unsuccessful round-table meeting with leading Hungarian Jewish organizations. Of course, he was not talking about fellow Americans but rather “fellow Hungarian countrymen” and “our Jewish citizens.” Perhaps at other times, this statement would have drawn more fire from liberal Hungarians and Hungarian Jews alike. At this time, though, Hungarian Jews are, in a sense, too focused on the trees to notice the forest. The largest Jewish organization, Mazsihisz, in the past few weeks, has been on a collision course with the government. On Sunday, February 9th, Mazsihisz  identified three major issues with which the Hungarian government needs to deal in a satisfactory way for it to reconsider its decision to boycott the official commemorative events in 2014 scheduled for the 70th anniversary of the Holocaust in Hungary.

One may argue that the comparison between Americans and Hungarians does not work since the American people is a rather recent construct that designates a group of individuals whose coherence is not determined along ethnic lines. That argument, however, also applies to the Hungarian nation since that, too, is not only an amalgamation of various ethnic groups tied together by history, cultural affiliations, and language but is also a constitutively heterogeneous nation. The history of Hungary shows that any ethnic group that wished to become absorbed into the body of the Hungarian nation could do so. The patriotic Hungarian Jews in the middle of the 19th century believed it was no different for the Jews. And indeed, the endeavors of Jews in Hungary for the past 150 years to acculturate within Hungary began to bear very significant fruits from the time Hungarian Jews committed themselves on the side of the Hungarians against the Austrians in the abortive Revolution and War of Independence of 1848-1849. Once the law removed all legal obstacles from Jewish Hungarians with the passing of the 1867 Jewish Emancipation Law, Hungarianization of Jews accelerated at a remarkable pace. An increasing number of Jews in Hungary began to think of themselves and carried on their lives as Hungarians with their Jewish cultural affiliations either remaining intact or shrinking rapidly.

The ascendancy of Jews in all areas of Hungarian culture occasioned a severe backlash with Admiral Miklós Horthy’s assumption of power in 1920. The first anti-Jewish measures in all of Europe were passed in Hungary in the same year Horthy took power. The Numerus Clausus law, a sort of reverse affirmative action law, greatly limited the number of Jewish students eligible for university admissions. From that moment on, the Jewish citizens of Hungary must have known that they were not considered as part of the Hungarian nation. The eruption of anti-Jewish violence in universities in the 1920s and 30s must was another painful reminder that Hungarian Jews were not welcome in the universities. In 1938-39, further anti-Jewish laws were passed that limited the number of Jews allowed in various intellectual professions. These measures were taken because Hungarians of Jewish descent had become “too successful” in Hungary in all cultural and professional areas and had to be restrained. Jewish success was also Hungarian success.  Hungarian Jews came up with amazing inventions, achieved olympic victories, expanded industrial output and furthered intellectual work to the benefit of the entire Hungarian nation. Yet, to the anti-Semite, a Jew remained a Jew no matter his or her acculturated appearance and estrangement from all things Jewish.

Nothing prepared Hungarian Jews to the horror that would befall them toward the end of World War II. The most tragic period for Hungarian Jews came in the summer of 1944 when Jewish life outside of Budapest came to an abrupt end with mass deportations and murder of an estimated 437,000 Hungarian Jews within a eight-week period. In Budapest itself, derisively called Judapest at the turn of the century the for its large number of Jewish residents, Jews were herded into a large ghetto or went into hiding with false papers (many of whom, in a figurative if not literal sense, stayed in hiding as a Jew in forever). That large numbers of Jews in Budapest could pass for non-Jews with the help of a piece of paper is eloquent testimony of the success of Hungarian Jewish acculturation. The significant role of the Regent of Hungary, Miklós Horthy, in allowing mass deportations from all of Hungary is clear to historians and Hungarian Jews. It is precisely the current Hungarian government’s attempt to reevaluate and whitewash the Horthy regime with the proposed erection of a statue commemorating the 70th anniversary of the German occupation of Hungary that has unified the otherwise very fragmented Jewish Hungarian part of the Hungarian people to an unprecedented extent.

Many in Hungary remember the rather placid and ineffective role Jewish organizations played in the face of increasing pressure just prior to and during the Holocaust. Although the facts are not as clear, the popular perception amongst many Jews today is that the Jewish council in 1944 collaborated with the authorities and, thereby, made the situation for the Jews much worse. So, the decision not to go along with the Hungarian government’s expectations of Jewish collaboration in the 70th anniversary’s commemorations constitutes a watershed moment in Hungarian Jewish history.

It is incumbent upon everyone to support this extraordinary self-assertion by the official representatives of Hungarian Jewry by urging everyone involved to follow suit and boycott all official government sponsored commemorations of the Holocaust in 2014. That means every international dignitary, speaker, or guest invited by the Orban government to participate in the official Holocaust commemorations in 2014 should now express solidarity with the survivors of the Holocaust and their descendants in Hungary who have made the difficult but morally correct decision to boycott these events by declining the invitation.

Yet, complete non-action would serve no purpose.

I believe that all people of goodwill, whether inside or outside of Hungary, may now begin to contribute to conceiving and/or putting into action alternate modes of commemorations (both traditional as well as innovative ones) that would serve to educate people about what happens when age-old prejudices, greed, the active hatred of some as well as the callous indifference of the majority are combined, as happened in Hungary but seventy years ago, resulting in the gradual dispossession and large-scale murder of more than half a million people classified as Jews in death camps and in the streets of Budapest.

As far as Hungarian Jews are concerned, 2014 will not be a year of national reconciliation and forgiveness but rather the year in which even the most Hungarian of the Hungarian Jews will have to realize that they are still perceived as “our fellow Jewish citizens” rather than as “our fellow Hungarians.”

Miklós Horthy died on February 9th, 1957. Fifty-seven years later to the day, Hungarian Jewish resistance to the revival of the Horthy cult and its exclusionary definition of what it means to be Hungarian was born.

Csanád Szegedi Revisited: the Hatred Continues

Csanád Szegedi, the former Vice President of the Jobbik Party in Hungary known for its radical (that is anti-Semitic) stance in Hungarian political issues, was deported from Canada on December 9th within 24 hours of his arrival for his extreme right-wing past.


At least, this seems to have been the reaction of almost all of my Facebook friends from Hungary who have followed the unbelievable saga of Csanád Szegedi’s learning of his Jewish maternal ancestry, his subsequent attempts at staying on as Jobbik’s Vice President, his  eventual resignation from the party following the airing of a recording in which he had allegedly offered a bribe to those with the “damning” information about his mother’s Jewishness to keep silent, and finally, his total renunciation of his earlier persona with the intention to become a practicing Jew with the help of Budapest’s Chabad rabbi, Baruch Oberlander.

Why the animosity, resentment, and outright hatred? After all, Szegedi has been recently featured in Pat Robertson’s 700 club show and in the New Yorker Magazine. Why the interest? Americans may find Szegedi’s story a very appetizing narrative. Culturally, it resonates very strongly. American culture celebrates bad-guy-turns-good stories. Spiritually, it feels like the story of the Prodigal Son, and could very well be a Church service narrative of “finding Jesus” (in this case, finding God through being broken and rebuilt). Praise the Lord!

Most Hungarians–whether on the extreme right or left–see Csanád Szegedi, who did not renounce his position as a member of the European Parliament despite leaving the party that sent him there, as an opportunist who has jumped ship when he had no other choice. He is seen as an insincere career politician now without the prospects of a political career who realized he had to reinvented himself as a Nazi-turned-Jew to make money in the future (his mandate in the European Parliament expires in 2014). For his former home base, Szegedi is an incredible turn-coat. He is a traitor who gave up everything sacred to that camp as he went to the arch-enemy. But I’m not concerned much about the reactions of Szegedi’s Jobbik ex-buddies and supporters. That, and much worse, is entirely to be expected.

What interests me is why Hungarian Jews, outside of a very few people around Rabbi Oberlander, have reacted with such visceral hatred and rejection towards an ostensibly remorseful and reformed Csanád Szegedi.

Here are the top three some reasons most Hungarian Jews do not accept Csanád Szegedi the way I see it:

1. Szegedi is a hypocrite. He’s in it for the fame and future job opportunities.
2. Szegedi should have waited much longer (five to ten years) and have done much more to repair the damage his political career caused in the last ten years before appearing in public to talk about himself.
3. Szegedi’s way back to his Jewish roots is a private affair. Any publicity is a cynical attempt by the Chabad rabbis to enhance the reputation of their own movement at the expense of the older and more indigenous movements in Hungary.

While I sympathize with people who still continue to resent Szegedi, I believe that a complete rejection of his attempts at changing his life from a hater of Jews to a Jew who tries his best to learn about what it means to be a religious Jew is simply short-sighted. For sure, it must be very annoying to Hungarians, many of whom now struggle to make ends meet, to see Szegedi turn his story into money. After all, it would mean that a career built on xenophobia and anti-Jewish propaganda can be seen as money-making tools (for that part of Szegedi’s life is an indispensable prelude in Szegedi’s narrative).

So, from a Hungarian’s perspective, the only decent way for Szegedi forward is to shut up and disappear.

Clearly, Szegedi should not entertain any false hopes of re-entering the Hungarian political scene. His name is now tainted. Nobody in Hungary admires him for making the, no doubt, heart-wrenching decision to face his identity crisis by taking the most radical step possible: to sit in a synagogue and learn with Rabbi Oberlander, an Orthodox rabbi. Jewish atheists scorn him (yet feel threatened by this Nazi-turned-Jew) and think “what? this guy was a rabid anti-Semite yesterday, and now, it looks like he’s a better Jew than I am!” Those who are in the Neologue movement–a uniquely Hungarian denomination that is between Conservative and Modern Orthodox Judaism–scorn him for joining the Chabad who are seen as a foreign import and, currently, seen as having closely aligned themselves with Viktor Orban and his FIDESZ party for economic gain.

Then what should Csanad Szegedi do? He is only 31 years old…

I believe that Szegedi should go back to school and learn a profession or vocation  and make his money that way. (He may have to move to another country once he returns from Brussels to Hungary since his safety in the streets may not be guaranteed). If here were to write a book, it’s doubtful that he could make that much money out of it in any case.

Yet, I deeply believe that Szegedi should not be written off. I deeply believe that my fellow Hungarian Jews who know him best should take the more noble path and ignore the stomach cramps occasioned by watching the many vitriolic interviews and speeches the old Szegedi Csanad gave that are still available on Youtube. I deeply believe that Csanád Szegedi’s story, while a complete anomaly in the degree and extent of his recent identity transformation, has many lessons for us about identity, human emotions, God and country and cliche, and many many other things. Thus, he should be encouraged to write a detailed book about his life, his feelings, the Jobbik movement’s behind-the-scenes motivations and leaders, and his experiences. It could be a fascinating read not only to Hungarians wondering how and why the radical right has gained such momentum–and why it seems to be losing some of it today–but more importantly, how ideology can both poison and cleanse the human spirit, which transcends nationality.

What would be an unconscionable act for Hungarian Jews is to block Szegedi’s road toward repentance and the many acts of kindness that he would have to make by discouraging him from continuing his Jewish learning and synagogue attendance. I ask my fellow Hungarians to let Szegedi continue to cleanse himself and, by witnessing his incredible turn-around, recognize that we all have to do better as human beings by stopping the cynicism and hatred.

My newest short story, “The Loft,” is now available.

Budapest, Budapest is Still Nice!

Having just returned from the city of my birth, Budapest, (yes, in Hungary), I want to reflect briefly on my experiences there.

Anyone who’s read some of my articles here can see that I’ve been consistently concerned about the direction Hungary has taken since the election of Victor Orban’s FIDESZ Party three years ago. I don’t need to rehearse all of the anti-humanitarian measures this government has taken in the name of humanity and “the nation.” The record is as clear as it is dire.

So, what kind of Budapest did I see on my very brief trip? Decidedly, the answer to that is simple: a very beautiful one! Despite my expectations, I saw no signs of the far-right (i.e. neo-Nazi) scourge that has plagued Hungarian public discourse for many years. Surely, that is not to say that the numerous members  of the Jobbik Party and the banned Hungarian Guard with its various incarnations have disappeared. But if you are a tourist in Budapest, it is very likely that you’ll never see them in the streets at all while you are enjoying your time in the various hot entertainment spots scattered around in the center of Budapest. What you will see is an increased number of renovated houses and buildings (mostly financed by the very European Union the FIDESZ ruling party never misses to disparage).

I was astonished by the sheer number of young tourists having a wonderful time in various parts of Budapest. The neighborhood where the Jewish district used to be before World War II is now a tourist magnet with a plethora of restaurants, bars, and so-called ruins-pubs (romkocsma). My childhood best friend kindly took me to one of these fashionable ruins-pubs called “Fogashaz.” Inside the large tenement-style house (in ruins, as it ought to be), a very comfortable space with a well-appointed bar, an adequate (though mostly empty) dance floor with a trendy DJ, and a ping-pong table greeted us. Clearly, those who like nightlife will find what they seek in Budapest’s nightlife in like places as well as an almost endless variety of entertainment venues.

So, am I plugging tourism to Budapest now? Could that be considered a betrayal of the fight against those who have replaced Hungary’s democratic constitution with one that all but guarantees their political and economic dominance as far as the eye can see? I would hope not. My delight with Budapest can never replace my absolute loathing for those who would selfishly want to take everything away that makes Budapest great.

Despite the encouraging signs of life, most of my acquaintances in Budapest were uneasy about their own situation (be it economic, political or religious) in today’s Hungary. Some have talked about leaving Hungary while most want to stick it out. None discussed the possibility of active resistance, and I can understand why.

The patient is gravely sick but not hopelessly so. I sincerely wish that this extremely beautiful city remain vibrant for decades to come and that the rest of Hungary begin to appreciate what Budapest means.

Were that to happen, the restauration of Hungarian democracy would surely follow.

“The Loft” Publication Announcement:

It is with great pleasure that I announce the publication of my short story, “The Loft” on amazon.com. Enjoy reading it! If you liked it, please write a few words in the review section (or even to just rate it) because the more (positive) reviews the story gets, the more potential readers may decide to read the story. Also, I urge you to share this information on your own Facebook wall. The publicity you, the readers, generate is the best kind! To find the story (or just read what the story is about), please click on the link below.

Thank you very much.

Israel Must Choose: Rename “Life Sentence” or Institute the Death Penalty

Time and again, Israel has released convicted murderers as a good will gesture or in exchange of captured Israeli citizens. Today, the names of the first 26 prisoners to be released have been published.  All 26 have been serving prison terms for murder.


The latest release of murderers at the outset of renewed talks between Israelis and Palestinians underlines one thing: murderers of Israeli citizens can rest assured that there is no such thing as a life sentence in prison in Israel.

To those who believe that the deliberate taking of human life merits severe punishment, this realization is rather disheartening. Palestinians in Israeli jails are generally seen as heroes (even more so if they are serving time for killing Israelis). It is for this reason that Mahmoud Abbas wanted to see the day on which Palestinians (in this case, murderers) are released from jail as a result of his intervention to counter the major “victory” Hamas scored when it successfully pressured Israel into releasing a staggering number of convicted criminals (one thousand and twenty seven, to be precise) two years ago. And if you think that no released prisoners planned to kill Israelis again, just read this article:


Now it is the Palestinian Authority’s time to celebrate. Human beings who deliberately killed (and in some cases, brutally tortured) other human beings (and not only for political reasons) are to walk the streets of Gaza and the West Bank again. In exchange, Israel will get a chance to talk to Mahmoud Abbas…

Why does this make me angry? Would I be outraged if the situation were reversed and Israeli murderers of Palestinians convicted to serve a life sentence in Palestinian jails were to be released? Before I answer that question, I hasten to add that no such symmetry exists. Palestinians in Israeli jails are entitled to an enormous number of benefits with most opting to complete their higher education courses for college diplomas before consenting to leave Israeli jails although terrorists will no longer be entitled to receive a free university education.


To answer my own question, yes I believe that I would find releasing murderers as a political gesture problematic no matter the situation or the nationalities involved. Why? Here are but four reasons.

1. Family members of those who have been killed should never be subjected to seeing the killers of their loved-ones leave jail to resume their lives, especially not when those killers profess a desire to kill again.
2. Those who murder human beings forfeit the right to live in general society unless they undergo a complete change of personality, repents sincerely and credibly pledge to change their ways. But even in this case, the relatives of the murder victim should have the ultimate word.
3. Releasing murderers in a political game such as talking about talking about how to talk about peace only serves to encourage future murderers, for upon their eventual return, they will be celebrated as heroes and their family members will receive financial support in recognition of their “glorious” deeds. (http://www.algemeiner.com/2013/04/04/norway-foreign-minister-in-israel-expresses-anger-over-pa-use-of-aid-to-pay-terrorists/).
4. People who have murdered another human being have traditionally been executed as a punishment. As views on capital punishment have shifted, the alternative punishment of life in prison has gained an increased level of acceptance. After all, exonerating a person who has been wrongfully convicted of murder is of much less value if the wrongfully convicted person has been executed in the interim. Also, many people are loath to become the instrument of another human being’s death (which is the case when the state executes a human being). Consequently, when a state cannot guarantee that a sentence of life in prison actually means just that, the state loses its credibility and no effective punishment for murderers remains.

In light of the above, my first and most humane proposition to Israelis is that they pressure their legislators to introduce a law that would outlaw the possibility of such mass releases of murderers ever again. Yet, it’s not easy to believe that any subsequent government would not circumvent any such new laws.

It makes me very sad to conclude that in a country where, in effect, no such thing as a life sentence for murder exists, capital punishment is the only way to ensure just punishment.

How unfortunate that Israel is now such a country.

Publication of “The Loft” Announcement

It is with great pleasure that I announce the publication of my short story, “The Loft” on amazon.com. Enjoy reading it! I very much would like to ask you to write a few words in the review section (or even to just rate it) because the more (positive) reviews the story gets, the more potential readers may decide to read the story. Also, I urge you to share this information on your own wall. The publicity you, the readers, generate is the best kind!

Thank you very much.


Trayvon Martin: In the Dark (Poem)

In the Dark
By David Mandler

It’s so dark it’s so dark
I hear footsteps in the park
Is someone right behind
Me I can’t see I am blind
In the dark

Let me run run away
I should call my ‘rents to say
I am fine but alone
Need to hear dad on the phone
In the dark

Whew he’s gone I can’t hear
Any noise I have no fear
I am strong in the hood
I don’t have to be so good
In the dark

Shit he’s back damn I’m scared
If I run fast I’ll be spared
I won’t yell I won’t scream
It’ll feel just like a dream
In the dark

I am no little boy
If he jumps me I’ll destroy
Him I know I am strong
I can punch him it ain’t wrong
In the dark

This is it he’s got me
Right in my chest I can’t see
Anything anymore
Yo I’m staring back at me
Vomit streams from his face
On the floor he sobs in place
No more pain

No more blame useless fame
In the light

My short story entitled “The Loft” is now available on amazon.com.

If you don’t have Kindle, you can turn your iphone or ipad into one by downloading a free app from amazon.com (http://www.amazon.com/gp/feature.html?ie=UTF8&docId=1000493771)

On Hungary’s Attraction Shadow Theatre’s Win on Britain’s Got Talent

This week, Hungarians throughout the world have experienced a jolt of excitement upon hearing that an obscure theatre group from Hungary has just won this year’s Britain’s Got Talent. Indeed, it feels good to know that Hungary can appear in the news in a positive context for a change. But, for me, the most significant message that the Attraction Shadow Theatre reaffirms is that nationality is irrelevant when it comes to narratives dramatizing such universal feelings as love, loss, pride and exultation, and that the greatest talent Britain has got is in recognizing real talent.

With their exciting victory, the Shadow Theatre has joined the selective Hungarian club of Nobel prize winners, scientists, writers, inventors, and musicians whose work was valued much more outside of Hungary than inside of it. At this moment, it would be entirely misplaced to emphasize the Hungarianness of this group. Certainly, the talented crew became what it is because it has had to meet the challenges inherent in today’s Hungary. As much as the current government-party, FIDESZ may want to capitalize on this victory, anyone outside of Hungary who does so pays attention to this particular theatre group not because it is a Hungarian group but because it is artistically original and its performances are perfectly executed.

The group has a brilliant future ahead of it. No, not in Hungary where the show known as reality has been casting its own shadows on its people. For where else could it be seen as humane to make dirt poor relatives of an indigent deceased person wash the corpse of their loved-ones, dress him or her, dig the grave and bury him or her while the government generously provides for the refrigeration of the corpse and its transportation to the grave? Where else could a politician propose a law that would allow any member of the parliament to seize any apartment he or she likes simply because members of the parliament ought to have special privileges? And these are but two of the latest outrages against the kind of humanism that the Shadow Theatre group’s performances suggest. In a country where raw emotions increasingly dictate political and social attitudes and furnish a steady flow of daily outrages in public discourse, there is no need to see reality in shadows. Plato’s Allegory of the Cave comes to mind. But in Hungary, the prisoners who have not made Hungary’s most famous theatre group recognized in Hungary could only see the sweaty dancers behind the screen, not the beautifully emotional shadows on it.  The British who have voted for this group managed to view the screen from the right side. And on that side,  humanity is full of deep and noble emotions wrapped up in a package of superb artistry.  Clearly, the short shadow dances are captivating because they appeal to these universal human emotions. I sure hope that producers from Las Vegas have their eyes open and extend an offer that this group really deserves.

Hungary already has a very successful shadow economy. It now has produced a successful shadow theatre group.

What’s next? A successful Hungarian shadow government?

My short story, “The Loft” is now available on amazon.com. Enjoy reading it! If you don’t have Kindle, you can turn your iphone or ipad into one by downloading a free app from amazon.com (http://www.amazon.com/gp/feature.html?ie=UTF8&docId=1000493771)

Thank you very much for your support! If you like the story, share the news about it with your friends.


You’d Better Watch Out: President Obama is Fundraising in Town

Shortly before three o’clock, the assistant principal at my school announced that  President Obama would be coming.

No, not to our school, but in front of it driving down on the West Side Highway.

So, nobody would be allowed to leave the school building until the all-clear would be given. More than an hour later, the school doors were reopened. The president had whizzed by and the sea of police officers re-opened the roads. No problem, I thought: I’m sure the president had something very important to do in New York City. A speech at the United Nations, perhaps? Or visiting the World Trade Center with its antenna reaching 1776 feet.

I learned how wrong I was about it when I later checked the news, and it turned out that Mr. Obama’s visit had been occasioned by his desire to attend three fundraisers, “to help the DNC pay off debt from the president’s re-election campaign.” (http://www.ny1.com/content/top_stories/181956/president-arrives-in-nyc-for-fundraising-appearances)

Really? Flying in the president on Air Force One at the cost of at least 162,00 dollars per hour, posting countless police officers along the route where the president’s motorcade passed, and having a surveillance helicopter fly above surely made quite a hefty price tag. And for what? So that a handful of people who have $16,000 for a lunch ticket could have access to the president for an hour, and Mr. Obama can repay the DNC the huge sum of money it took for his re-election.

What’s wrong with this picture?


That the taxpayers should be forced to pay even as they are forced to witness the streets of New York City shut down for security reasons would be understandable if the president were in town on official business. Having the movement of people restricted along the route of the president’s trip would be understandable if the president were in town to give a speech at the United Nations or were on his way to meet and greet people from all walks of life with wallets of all sizes. But that is not what happens on these trips.

Access to the president of the United States is sold to the fabulously wealthy even as it is literally restricted to all else. Hundreds of thousands of dollars indirectly take a walk from the pockets of all taxpayers into the coffers of a political organization without a word of dissent.

It is clear that the public already finances elections in an indirect manner. Taxpayers already pay for the security of the candidates while donors with deep pockets buy access and influence to the candidates they support. Politicians spend hundreds (if not thousands) of hours throughout their careers during their working hours for which they get a decent salary chasing the dollar for their re-elections. Even sitting presidents who will never run again continue to take time off (in this case a day) from their busy schedule to travel to multiple fundraisers.

The average taxpayer, meanwhile, grumbles for a moment or two when the president’s motorcade shuts down New York for hours. Then s/he moves on.

It is time to consider making the indirect public financing of elections direct! How much simpler would it be to put the half a million dollars the president’s trip  on May 13th, 2013 has cost (by my conservative estimation) into a publicly financed elections fund and let the president and all other politicians work a full day in Washington. And if that’s too much to ask for, I think every reasonable person would agree that a trip by any politician exclusively undertaken to participate in fundraisers should be exclusively paid by those who are raising the funds for that politician or political party and not by the taxpayers.

While the president would still travel in New York City and in all other cities of the United States of America, taxpayers everywhere would know that their streets are not shut down (and buildings along the route are not on lockdown) because the president is on his way to yet another fundraiser in a private apartment in Greenwich village but is in town because he absolutely has to be.

People would even clap as the motorcade passed by, knowing that no select group of people had closer access to the president solely based on the size of the wallets.

Orbán király az WJC kongresszusán: Eliezer Ben Amram Regéje

Orbán király izent királyi várából,
Az magyarok régi, ősi városából:
” Elmegyek én oda, az zsidó gyűlésre,
Beszédem majd bizton nem megy feledésbe. “

Eljött ama nagy nap, hintóba beszálla,
Az zsidók gyűlése előtt oszt megálla.
Hajlongtak előtte az zsidók tanácsi,
Egymást megelőzve kezét csókolgatni.

Volt ottan sok zsidó az Taljánországból,
Meg voltak ott sokan az Frank királyságból,
Öszvegyűltek oda még sok-sok országból,
Legfőképpen azért nagy Ámerikából.

Orbán király osztán az gyűlésbe lépe,
Álnok módon szépen vigyorra gyúlt képe.
Szóvirágok szálán zsidót felköszönte,
S eképpen kezde ott bele az beszédbe:

” Kedves jó zsidajim, nagy az veszedelem,
Azt mi kendtek bántja azt el nem szenvedem.
Gyűlik nagy rontásra zsidók ellensége,
Az Gój Szekeresek vészes seregébe.

Az kurucok hada is bőszen felkele,
Az ű uszításik zsidókkal van tele.
Kopaszra nyírt fejjel zsidó vérre vágynak,
Vérfagyasztó szóval az Égbe kiáltnak.

Ám az kendtek java az mi engem éltet,
Nem engedhetem meg ez igen nagy vétket!
Megvédem én mindet, minden zsidó javát,
Pallosom kivonom, azt a rézangyalát! “

Megnyugodva vonult el az zsidó tömeg,
Lenyugtatá őket az királyi szöveg.
Nem tudák még akkor, ez színek játéka,
Az király szavai merő gyilkos csapda.

Hiszen Orbán király zsidót nem szerete,
Azt ű különösképp igencsak gyűlöle.
Otthon az várában magát elneveté,
Az furfangos zsidót hogyan általveré.

Nem volt az sok zsidó annak tudatába,
Orbán pávatáncnak koronás császára,
Meg aznap estéjén aztat kiötölte,
Hogy zsidók vagyonát el majd hogyan költse.

Mert az ő baráti bizton zsidófalók,
Nem megbecsült személy egy sem, csupán csalók.
Zsidóknak vesztére azonmód nyomultak,
A királlyal együtt hajnalig vigadtak.

Eme história történt Pest-Budában,
Az magyarok hírös, régi szép honában,
Melyet egykoron még sokak megtiszteltek;
Orbán király alatt íly szégyenek estek.

Április 24, 2013

–Köszönet Eliezer Ben Amramnak, hogy itt versét közzé tehettem.


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